Wednesday, May 6, 2020

Origins and Definitions by Lee Su Kim free essay sample

The evolution of this unique ethnic group dates as far back as 500 to 600 years ago when Chinese traders arrived in parts of the Malay Peninsula, the nucleus of which was Malacca, the center of the Malacca Sultanate. The Chinese men did not bring their women folk along, and many intermarried with the local women. The acute shortage of Chinese women accounted for the frequent intermarriages between the early Chinese and the local women. Intermarriage between the Babas and the Malays eventually ceased, and for hundreds of years past, the Babas have married exclusively amongst their own peoples becoming an endogamous and elite group. Today, it is found distributed throughout Malaysia and Singapore with its strongholds in Malacca, Singapore and Penang. There exists some confusion of terminology. Three terms are commonly used interchangeably to describe this community – the Peranakan, the Straits Chinese, and the Babas and Nyonyas. The word Peranakan is derived from the Malay word ‘anak’ which means ‘child’. We will write a custom essay sample on Origins and Definitions by Lee Su Kim or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page The term refers to local-borns as well as the offspring of foreigner-native union. Frank Swettenham explains that the term Baba is used for Straits born males, whether the children of English, Chinese or Eurasian parents and is of Hindustani origin (Tan, 1988). Baba is the term for the male and Nyonya for the female. The word Baba may be derived from the word bapa which means father in Malay. Some historians think that it is an honorific and the equivalent for a tuan or a towkay. The word Nyonya is said to have originated from Java.The Straits Chinese regarded the Straits Settlements as their homeland and while maintaining a basically Chinese identity, gradually abandoned the close links of kinship, sentiment, political allegiance and financial remittances to China so characteristic of the non-Baba Chinese ( Clammer, 1980).A clear distinction must be made between the Straits Chinese and the Straits-born Chinese. To be defined as a Straits Chinese, he or she would have to adopt the exterior markers of a Baba or Nyonya, in language, customs, kinship, dress, food and even occupation.

Monday, April 20, 2020

The Relationship between Suggestibility and Self

Abstract This report presents the survey aimed at examining the link between self-monitoring as measured by the Self-monitoring Scale and suggestibility, which is measured by the Gudjonsson Suggestibility Scale (GSS). In this study, it is hypothesized that there is a significant difference in the suggestibility scores between the low and high self-monitoring groups.Advertising We will write a custom report sample on The Relationship between Suggestibility and Self-monitoring specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More The study involved 51 participants aged 17-48 years old. The results obtained in this study suggested that there is a significant difference in the suggestibility scores between low and high self-monitors. Furthermore, these findings support previous studies on the same topic. The studies suggest that high self-monitors are more sensitive to interrogative challenges or suggestibility when compared to low self-monitors. Thus, th ey are bound to have high suggestibility scores on the GSS than the later. Therefore, there is a statistically significant difference in the suggestibility scores between the two groups. Introduction Previous research studies on suggestibility are concerned with investing the factors influencing this psychological concept relative to the results of the two forms of GSS, that is, GSS 1 and 2. Self-monitoring has been identified as the major factor influencing suggestibility in the context of a variety of interviews or interrogations particularly in clinical and forensic interrogative practices (Klein et al., 2004). Very few such studies have been conducted on university students in order to explore any significant differences in suggestibility among the two levels of self-monitoring. However, a variety of studies indicate that there is a strong relationship between suggestibility and self-monitoring such that the later influences the various degrees of suggestibility. According to Ba in et al. (2006), high self-monitors score highly in almost all the four categories of the Gudjonsson Suggestibility Scale 1 (GSS 1) relative to low self-monitors. Therefore, self-monitoring entails the practice of paying attention to various personal, situational, and social factors during an interrogative exercise that requires strict memory recall. The personal and social prompts include various beliefs and values held by various individuals relative to the society’s concern for the correctness of an individual’s actions. On the other hand, suggestibility refers to the degree to which, an individual in an isolated social context, accepts and comprehends the content of a query, which prompts the subsequent behavioral changes and responses categorized as suggestible or resistant. Therefore, suggestibility is dependent on self-monitoring in many aspects.Advertising Looking for report on psychology? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More According to Gudjonsson Clark (1986), self-monitoring is part of the coping mechanisms developed by the interviewee when exposed to various contextual challenges as a result of interrogative suggestibility. The scholars indicate that under interrogative suggestibility, all interviewees have a general apprehension of the situation in relation to the socially acceptable factors affecting an individual’s behavior. In this case, self-monitoring plays a major role in creating a defiant or a gullible behavioral rejoinder to the situational characteristics (Gudjonsson, 2003). In addition, a defiant or negative response to the situation is important in determining the degree of suggestibility in different contexts. The negative response alters any previous feedbacks to a given situation thereby allowing the interviewee to alter their current responses and increase their vulnerability to misinformation during questioning. A recent study investigates the connection b etween self-monitoring and suggestibility relative to the scores obtained on the Gudjonsson Suggestibility Scale 1 (GSS 1). The survey employs the self-monitoring scale in measuring the degree to which some individuals relate social prompts to certain situations and their susceptibility to misinformation as recorded on the GSS (Gudjonsson, 1997). The study found out that different individuals can be categorized on the basis of self-monitoring into high and low self-monitors. The findings of the study indicate that high self-monitors are more susceptible to misinformation contained on the GSS when compared to low self-monitors. This is attributable to high self-monitors being more sensitive to situational prompts and their influence on the socially acceptable actions rather than the content on the GSS. Consequently, high self-monitors are concerned about the situational demands and the social response to their actions more than misinformation on the GSS. The present research study is aimed at investigating the relationship between suggestibility and self-monitoring on undergraduate psychology students. This population has not been studied in the previous surveys on the same topic. Therefore, this study will give a detailed report of a group which has not been studied in a while in relation to self-monitoring and suggestibility. In this survey, it is hypothesized that due to the influence of external social prompts, there is a statistically significant difference in the suggestibility scores between the low and high self-monitors. Method Design The survey involved a single independent variable, which was categorized into two, low and high self-monitoring.Advertising We will write a custom report sample on The Relationship between Suggestibility and Self-monitoring specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Participants Fifty one undergraduate psychology students were voluntarily recruited into the study. This sample po pulation consisted of 11 Males and 40 Females aged 17-48 years (Mean= 23.58, SD= 8.21). Materials Self-monitoring This refers to the practice of paying attention to various situational demands or prompts, which influence the socially acceptable behavioral changes in different individuals under a given complex or challenging situation. In the present survey, self-monitoring was measured by the Revised Self Monitoring Scale (Lennox Wolfe, 1982, p. 1). The scale had 13 tabulated statements and 5 optional answers. In this scale, the participants were required to place an X in the square showing the right answer. Furthermore, the scale comprised of statements such as, â€Å"In social situations, I have the ability to alter my behavior if I feel that something else is called for† and â€Å"I have the ability to control the way I come across to people, depending on the impression I wish to give them† (Lennox and Wolfe, 1982, p. 1). Besides the answers to these statements inc luded, â€Å"Never,† â€Å"Occasionally,† â€Å"Sometimes,† â€Å"Often,† and â€Å"Always† (Lennox Wolfe, 1982, p. 1). The scale gave a score range of 0-52 in which scores above 30 indicated high self-monitoring and those below 30 indicated low self-monitoring. Suggestibility This entails the various challenges or pressures to which the participants are exposed to during questioning. Therefore suggestibility is the degree to which these challenges are bound to influence behavioral changes in the participants, which indicates whether they are high or low self-monitors (Gudjonsson, 1997). Suggestibility was measured using the Gudjonsson Suggestibility Scale, which composed of 20 questions derived from a story that was presented to participants orally (Gudjonsson, 1997). Fifteen of the questions in this scale were leading questions, which had misinformation while the remaining five were true implying that they had no misleading information. The numb er of suggestive questions answered by an individual indicated the suggestibility score. This scale provided a score range of 0-15 in which higher scores indicated a greater degree of suggestibility. Overall, the equipment used in this survey was a questionnaire, which was employed in two surveys, one involving the written questionnaire and the other involved an oral questionnaire.Advertising Looking for report on psychology? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Procedure At the beginning of the survey, the narrative was read to the participants. The participants then filled out a questionnaire on the basic demographic questions and the self-monitoring measures. Subsequently, the participants were asked to answer the 20 questions about the narrative that had been read to them earlier. In order to allow for measurement of the suggestibility scores, the immediate recall procedure was employed. At the end of the experiment, the participants were debriefed about the nature of the study. The self-monitoring scale provided two scores in which a score is given for the wrongly answered suggestive question. High suggestibility scores indicated high self-monitoring while low scores indicated low self-monitoring. On the other hand, the GSS measured the memory recall in which the correct score was awarded for the right answer to the questions about the narrative. This was based on the answers being the same as the original idea or meaning contained in the story. High scores indicated a higher vulnerability to suggestibility while low scores indicated lower sensitivity. Results According to the scoring protocols describes above, 24 participants were categorized as low self-monitors because they scored lowly in both the self-monitoring scale and on the GSS. On the other hand, 27 participants were categorized as high self-monitors because they scored highly in the two scales. The mean score for the low self-monitoring group was 5.1833 (SD= 2.00603) and that of the high self-monitoring group was 8.0370 (1.83410). Moreover, an independent-groups t-test showed that there was a statistically significant difference in the suggestibility scores between the low and high self-monitoring groups, scores (t(49) = 20.17, p 0.001). Consequently, low suggestibility implies that there was a low tendency for the participants who had low suggestibility scores to pay attention to the situational demands while high suggestibility implies that the degr ee of sensitivity to situational demands and perceptions was high among the participants who scored high suggestibility scores (Boon Baxter, 2004). Discussion This study was designed to investigate the relationship between self-monitoring and suggestibility. It was hypothesized that there is a statistically significant difference between the low and high self-monitoring groups. The findings of the study confirmed that the hypothesis was correctly stated. It was noted that the high self-monitors had high suggestibility scores compared to the low self-monitors as shown in fig. 1 below. Fig. 1  Self-monitoring score Group n Mean Standard Deviation Low Self-monitors 24 5.1833 2.00603 High Self-Monitors 27 8.0370 1.83410 t-test score (t (49)= 20.17, p0.001) The results indicate that high self-monitors are more susceptible to the challenges on the GSS, which include leading questions and negative or defiant responses. Studies indicate that paying attention to various situatio nal and social prompts determines whether an individual will provide an impressionable or resistant feedback to a GSS question (Boon Baxter, 2004). Therefore, these individuals tend to treat all the information obtained under different situations relative to the situational and social cues that influence behavioral changes. Additionally, studies indicate that high self-monitors display initial behaviors characterized as being uncertain and success-oriented. Therefore, they are bound to be more attentive to various external social prompts. The findings of the present study support these theories in many aspects. It is evident that high self-monitors experience higher degrees of uncertainty when faced with complex situations that require them to pay attention to the content rather than their perceptions of the situation. Consequently, these individuals fail to notice misinformation because they are unable to recall. This is contrary to the low self-monitoring groups who are attentive to the content rather than the social cues (Boon Baxter, 2004). Despite that the study provides strong evidence showing the link between suggestibility and self-monitoring, a number of limitations are notable. Firstly, the experimental design may not be appropriate in investigating the link between the two concepts. Since the study employed a single independent variable, it is impossible to explore the effect of other external factors on the results obtained. Therefore, inclusion of additional variables would have made the study statistically sound. Secondly, the sample selected may have been inappropriate and biased. Inclusion of an equal number of males and females would have made the study more practical. Future studies should include a different experimental design comprising of both independent and dependent variables in addition to an equal number of males and females. This kind of study can allow the experimenter to assess the effect of other factors on the relationship bet ween self-monitoring and suggestibility. Additional studies are also required to determine whether there are any significant differences between boys and girls relative to the relationship between suggestibility and self-monitoring. Conclusion The report presents the findings of a survey aimed at investigating the link between suggestibility and self-monitoring among 51 undergraduate psychology students. In this study, the self-monitoring scale and the GSS are used to measure the degree of self-monitoring and suggestibility respectively. In this study, it is hypothesized that there is a significant difference in suggestibility scores between the low and high self-monitoring groups. From the discussions above, it is indicated that high self-monitors are more susceptible to suggestibility compared to low self-monitors because they scored highly on the GSS. Therefore, it is evident that there is a significant difference in the suggestibility scores between the two groups.a Reference Li st Bain, S.A., Baxter, J.S. Ballantyne, K. (2007). Self-monitoring style and levels of interrogative suggestibility. Personality and Individual Differences, 42, 623-630. Boon, J. C. W., Baxter, J. S. (2004). Minimizing extraneous, interviewer-based interrogative suggestibility. Legal and Criminological Psychology, 9(2), 229–238. Gudjonsson, G. H. (1997). The Gudjonsson Suggestibility Scales Manual. Hove: Psychology Press. Gudjonsson, G. H. (2003). The Psychology of Interrogations and Confessions: a  Handbook. Chichester: Wiley. Gudjonsson, G. H., Clark, N. K. (1986). Suggestibility in police interrogation: A social psychological model. Social Behavior, 1, 83–104. Klein, O., Snyder, M., Livingston, R. W. (2004). Prejudice on the stage: Self monitoring and the public expression of group attitudes. British Journal of Social Psychology, 43(2), 299–314. Lennox, R.D. Wolfe, R.N. (1982). Concern for appropriateness as a moderator variable in the statistical expl anation of self-reported use of alcohol and marijuana. Journal of Personality, 53(1), 1-16. This report on The Relationship between Suggestibility and Self-monitoring was written and submitted by user Danika O. to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. You can donate your paper here.

Tuesday, April 14, 2020

Posse Scholarship Essay Sample - Why Has This Little Known Scholarship Ended Up Being Big News?

Posse Scholarship Essay Sample - Why Has This Little Known Scholarship Ended Up Being Big News?The one thing that has me scratching my head as a parent of a teenager who wants to pursue college is the fact that not many people have posse scholarship essay samples to hand. I have seen them at high schools and colleges but rarely in the form of a text or essay. Why is that?First, let's talk about what posse scholarship essay samples are. They are just text or an essay that can be used for a scholarship essay contest. They don't get the students to answer questions and do extensive research for the essay, they just get students to write and they get students to answer questions in the essay.I think that we all know what writers sense of humor is when it comes to writing. Most teens want to win prizes so they tend to think that writing a detailed essay is as good as winning the contest. Not only does this show poor writing skills, it shows an attitude that your teenager doesn't seem to k now how to handle things well.I think that if you have a posse scholarship essay sample at hand, you could always give it to your child for them to use. I think you might find that it's better for them to write their own essay instead of making one up. I think it would show them that they're just as capable of writing something that's well written as it would be for them to write it all by themselves.The biggest reason why many teenagers are not writing well is that they feel that they're supposed to just write a personal essay. When it comes to writing a scholarship essay, though, there are no winners and losers. You are either accepted into the scholarship or you aren't.I don't want my child to get accepted for the scholarship but I don't want them to get accepted and not get anything in return. That's why I let them make up their own essay. Of course, we'll know if they did well if they win the scholarship.Whatever you decide to do, be sure to consult with your parents first to s ee what they think of your decision before you start to write. You don't want to upset them. It's always better to talk things over with them first so that you're both on the same page.If you really want to help your child, be sure to look into scholarships and financial aid that your child may not have any access to and that may give them good opportunities. Sometimes, if your child is willing to work hard and be involved, they can go to college on their own. It will take work, though, so be sure to encourage them as best you can.

Sunday, March 15, 2020

Heritage and Orgin essays

Heritage and Orgin essays What makes a person an individual? So many factors contribute to making a person unique. In Cleanth Brooks essay, The English Language in the South, Cleanth recognizes factors that bring out the individuality of different people. Brooks examines the stereotypes associated with accents and southern vocabulary. Different heritages and origins create a different style of language. The parental figures in a childs life greatly influence the way a child will view the world for the rest of his life. Brooks recognizes that the attitude of the south never had quite the reverence for the written word which prevailed in New England(709). A child would grow up in the south knowing only the language that he had been surrounded with. One of Brooks main points is that the heritage of a person is going to determine whom that person becomes. A person should not be ashamed of his heritage because it is different. In addition to heritage, origin is also a determining factor in the life of people from the south. The south did have a different vocabulary. Letters seem to be left out of words. The spoken language of the south is undeniably unique; however, the unique language is not a language resulting from uneducated and ignorant Americans. The origin of southerners influences the way they respond to different situations throughout their life. Brooks demonstrates his knowledge of different cultures in this essay. Different factors will create a different form of language. Heritages and origins are the main points that Brooks observes which will cause a group of people to be so unique in their individualism that other people may look down on them. Brooks main point in his writing is to prove that people are unique, and not superior to other people because of their origin and heritage. ...

Friday, February 28, 2020

Abraham Lincoln and Slavery Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Abraham Lincoln and Slavery - Essay Example Undoubtedly, Abraham Lincoln is considered one of the most prominent and remarkable president in the America’s history. He lived between February 12, 1809 and April 15, 1865. He was the 16th president of the United States. He served as president from March 1861 until 1865 when he was assassinated. The reason why he is considered the most important president in America’s history is the fact that he led the country through major military, moral, and constitutional crisis - the American Civil War. During his presidency period through this crisis, he was able to end slavery, promote financial and economic modernization, and preserve the Union. 1 Lincoln was brought up in a poor family after his father, Thomas Lincoln, had lost his land through court cases, having been accused of possessing property titles which were faulty. Lincoln, therefore, did not enjoy most of the luxuries that were enjoyed by children from relatively rich family; luxuries such as quality education, go od-conditioned housing, and descent meals among others. Regarding Lincoln’s education, it is approximated that he spent only one-year worth of classes in his formal elementary; most of education he received from various itinerant teachers. It is worth pointing out that he was an avid reader and he acquired most of his knowledge through self-education.2 He eventually became a country lawyer, legislator of Illinois State, and the US House of Representatives member for one term, but he failed twice in his attempt to capture US Senate seat. Lincoln married Mary Todd on November 4, 1842 and got two children, namely Robert and Edward. His political career began on March 1832 with his first campaign for a post in the Illinois General Assembly. Lincoln had professed in 1861 that he had been a steadfast Whig; Whig was a party that subscribed to the ideas of espoused urbanization, protective tariffs in order to fund internal developments, and economic modernization. His beliefs in Whig ’s ideology informed most of his political decisions especially concerning America’s economic growth and development.3 Besides, he favoured unification of the US nation and opposed slavery and its expansion in the US. Therefore, the questions of how and why Lincoln’s ideas about slavery evolved are considered in this paper; besides, it tackles his ideas about Blacks and the institution of slavery. It seems to nearly every person who knows about Abraham Lincoln that his belief on slavery and race was well-defined and firm. It is a well-documented fact that Lincoln was against slavery and racism in period prior to his presidency and after. However, what still puzzles historians, political scientists, and other individuals concerned with Lincoln’s history and issues to do with slavery is whether his fight against the aforementioned issues was because of him being a politician or a leader. Until 1850s, slavery was legal in the southern US but had been outlawe d in the northern states like Illinois. Lincoln was opposed to slavery and its spread, especially to the new territory of western states. As a young person, Lincoln had little knowledge on slavery that was dominant in the south because he had seen little of it as a child. As he grew older, his stance on slavery developed because of what he witnessed and experienced. Lincoln’s marriage to Mary Told contributed greatly to his developed stance on the slavery issue since Mary had had first-hand contact with slavery as she came from a slave- owning family; she, therefore, narrated to him slavery stories.4 In addition, having had a career as an attorney provided him with experience on slavery issue.5 He handled several slavery cases, the most notable being Bailey v. Cromwell and Matson

Tuesday, February 11, 2020

Media Coverage of Women's sports Dissertation Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Media Coverage of Women's sports - Dissertation Example This research is intends to bring to light how the media contributes in the exclusion of women within sports from view and discourse by public something that affects their participation within sport, the manner in which media’s limited coverage for women within sports promotes gender stereotypes, as well as, contributes towards bias access to services by women as well as their potentiality fulfilments in relation to their right to sport. The key principle within the research will be that satisfying the right to sport has not just to do with satisfying physical access to sport, however, as well about making sure that the facilitation happens. The research will be conducted in London, United Kingdom. 1,000 grownups will be surveyed to find out where individuals stand as far as women’s sport is concerned. Within the discussion, sports will be examined, in general, since the human right to sport acknowledges sport for professional engagement, for recreation, and for health and social benefits. Sport is an established competitive activity, which involves specialised equipment or facilities and physical skill, and is governed by a set of rules that are accepted to determine a winner. Recreational sport, on the other hand, involves activities whose key purpose is participation with regard to fun, enhancement of physical fitness, as well as social involvement frequently prominent. Leisure sport involves physical activity for leisure time and relaxation. Educational sport includes physical education within schools.

Friday, January 31, 2020

Constructing Feminine Form for Masculine Sake Essay Example for Free

Constructing Feminine Form for Masculine Sake Essay Fashion provides one of the most ready means through which individuals can make expressive visual statements about their identities. (Bennett, 2005) Constructing Feminine Form for Masculine Sake. Does it make sense to say that sex is at the heart of identity today? The answer is surely yes, and more so than ever before. (Gauntlett, 2008). Introduction. Consider the cover of the December 2011 edition of FHM (Fig. 1). It portrays a constructed ideal of female attractiveness. Aimed at the male market it conveys the attributes of female form deemed attractive to men. Has this identity been constructed by women or imposed upon by men? Butler (1999) suggests ‘the female body is marked within masculinist discourse’ , and women have not had the freedom to create their own identity, ‘women with the ostensibly sexualized features of their bodies and, hence, a refusal to grant freedom and autonomy to women as it is purportedly enjoyed by men’ (Butler, 1999). Macdonald (1995) notes that this enforced construction is neither a new concept nor just present in magazines aimed at a male audience: The body has historically been much more integral to the formation of identity for women than for men. If women had defined for themselves the ideals of their bodily shape or decoration, this would not be problematic. It is the denial of this right in the western cultural representation, in medical practice and in the multi-billion dollar pornography, fashion and cosmetic industries, that has granted women only squatter’s rights to their own bodies. However for the purpose of this essay we will concentrate on the feminine identity constructed in men’s lifestyle magazines and identify from where this was created. Why we enjoy beauty. ‘It is suggested that what makes one thing beautiful and another less so is our psychological attraction, probably unconscious, to some quality in the former that is absent from the latter, combined of course with equally-implicit cultural biases.’ (Lakoff and Scherr, 1984) Considering this, it is hard to determine how a particular portrayal of the female form is universally attractive. However studying the following passage from Sigmund Freud’s study Civilization and its Discontents we can note the possibility that the images constructed of women in men’s magazines are not to portray beauty, but to invoke sexual feeling through lack of clothing and provocative poses: Psychoanalysis, unfortunately, has scarcely anything to say about beauty either. All that seems certain is its derivation from the field of sexual feeling. The love of beauty seems a perfect example of an impulse inhibited in its aim. ‘Beauty’ and ‘attraction’ are originally attributes of the sexual object. (Lakoff and Scherr, 1984) Another psychotherapist Lacan puts forward the idea ‘women are objects for men: men are objects for women: men are objects for men, and women are objects for women. Each of us can only ever be objects for another subject, however much we try. (Hill, 1997) With this in mind it can be said that all identity is constructed to receive the admiration of others, regardless of gender. (Gauntlett, 2008) states ‘sex as being at the core of identity’ further suggesting that male identity is constructed with the same intentions the female. Although ‘it has been women in particular who have been defined primarily in terms of their physical appearance’ (Negrin, 2008). The emergence of new men’s lifestyle magazines. It is interesting to note that men’s lifestyle magazines are not a new concept, neither has their content changed over time. The earliest attempt to launch a men’s lifestyle magazine in the UK was in 1935, it consisted of ‘heroic masculinity with style features and pictures of female nudes’. (Gill, 2007). The 1950’s saw the launch of Playboy, a lifestyle magazine aimed at an emerging class of men who enjoyed consumption as much as their female counterparts. The magazine ‘became the ‘bible’ for the men who dominated this class fraction; its individualistic, hedonistic, consumption-orientated ethic of personal gratification represented a rebellion against the ‘old’ figure of male as breadwinner and family provider and opened up a space of libidinous fun and lascivious consumption, albeit premised on troublingly sexualized and objectified representations of women. (Gill, 2007). The content of such magazines was not necessarily in place to objectify women but to protect the ‘new man’s’ masculinity. ‘Consumption for men was promoted in an atmosphere not threatened by suspicions of homosexuality’ (Gill, 2007) and said of Playboy ‘the breasts and bottoms were necessary not just to sell the magazine, but also to protect it’ (Ehrenreich, 1983.). If we look forward to the 80’s and 90’s we see a new generation of men’s magazines emerging, ‘constructed around an assumed white, working class aesthetic and sensibility, centred on football, (beer) drinking, and heterosexual sex. (Gill, 2007) In circulation terms, figures from 2006 show that over 370,000 copies of FHM are sold per month and almost 300,000 copies of Nuts per week. (Gauntlett, 2008). From this we can see the popularity of such publications and the importance of the portrayal of a new type of masculinity. Considering the content of these magazines; ‘numerous photo-shoots of semi-clothed and topless women appear in the UK magazines’ (Gauntlett, 2008), and speaking of the launch of Loaded ‘the sexual politics of the magazine were in place from the first issue, which featured photographs of Liz Hurley, a homage to hotel sex, porn channels etc., a ‘travel feature’ recounting cheap cocaine and cheap women, and the Miss Guyama bikini contest. (Gill, 2007). The magazines depict the rise of a new type of masculinity or the ‘new lad’, the figure of which ‘became embedded in advertising and popular culture- his multiple articulations in different spaces generating a sense of his solidity and ‘realness’, making him instantly recognizable as an embodiment of a type of masculinity’ (Gill, 2007). This new generation of ‘Lads Mags’ has often been attributed to two factors; firstly the ‘feminine backlash’ occurring in the 80’s. These new publications ‘constructed around knowingly misogynist and predatory attitudes to women, represents a refusal to acknowledge the changes in gender relations produced by feminism, and an attack on it. (Gill, 2007) served to reaffirm male dominance in the gender war and a refusal to change. They are considered by Whelehan ‘a direct challenge to feminism’s call for social transformation, by reaffirming – albeit ironically – the unchanging nature of gender relations and sexual roles.’ (Gill, 2007) Studying the content of these magazines in more depth there is an underlying theme where ‘’feminist’ becomes a pejorative word to label, dismiss and silence any woman who object to the lad mags’ ideology’ (Gill, 2007). Two examples of such; ‘an article concerned with the question of ‘how to get your girlfriend to come in your face’ (FHM, April 2000) any possible feedback is forestalled with the comment ‘now before I get any angry letters from feminists..I have asked women and they agree it can be an incredibly rewarding experience’. (Gill, 2007) and ‘a letter to FHM from a woman called Barbara who wished to object to the magazines portrayal of women as ‘weak, frail, ob edient, submissive and sexually available’ is dismissed as a ‘blundering rant’ from ‘Butch Babs’ (FHM, May 2000)’ (Gill, 2007.) Two prime examples of where the subject of feminism is dismissed before it has even been raised, suggesting the magazines know their content is anti-feminist, but either dispel the argument before it is raised or ridicule and patronise anybody that dares challenge their viewpoint. The second factor is again a backlash, this time on a type of masculinity, himself more aligned with the ideals of feminism, referred to as ‘The New Man’. (Gill, 2007). Trying to dispense with this, the ‘masculinity they constructed was regarded as true to men’s real selves, in contrast to the contrived image of the new man.’ (Gill, 2007.) As with the issue of feminism this form of masculinity was ridiculed and dismissed, leading the way for ‘laddish’ behaviour to be accepted. ‘New man was derided for his ‘miserable liberal guilt’ about sexual affairs and presented as insipid and unappealing. By contrast, new lad was presented as refreshingly uncomplicated in his unreserved appreciation of women’s bodies and heterosexual sex.’ (Gill, 2007) Are these the views of the average man? So we can deduce how these magazines and images within them came to be but where does this leave the average male? Are these depictions of woman the ‘ideal’ for men? ‘By men’s own admission, the playboy ideology has created conflicts both in men’s view of themselves and in their attitude towards women.’ (Lakoff and Scherr, 1984) Many men insist they do not subscribe to this scantily clad, temptress type identity as being their ideal. (Lakoff and Scherr, 1984) suggest what most men fantasize about is a woman they can connect with and that personality is more important than looks; ‘Many men spoke of movement, gracefulness, a direct look in the eyes, an aura of mystery, attributes which cannot quite be captured by a camera, as what they felt constituted female beauty.’ Their ‘observations seem to contradict what the media not only tell us men want but also what they propose women should look like.’ This seeming indifference to contrived images of female form could be the over production and readily available means to consume them. ‘we are so bombarded with visual images that men are taking refuge and looking for the real thing’ (Lakoff and Scherr, 1984) Also another factor is that as we are increasingly aware of artifice in the production of images it can cause the consumer to be disillusioned with them; ‘And its disappointing to find that the women, when interviewed, don’t sound that interesting really. And it’s disappointing because you see these gorgeous women who wouldn’t look twice at you, but then you remember that they probably look like people you know, really, and it’s the careful styling and makeup and photography that makes them so irresistible’ (Gauntlett, 2008) Where do women fit in? What we have to remember is there always a willing subject to construct identity upon. In this case, a women to present as the ideal to men. Whilst feminists may view the women featured in the magazines as ‘submissive, obedient and sexually available’, do the subjects themselves feel this is the case? Pre-feminist women were programmed to be as attractive as possible to their male counterparts. Anne Fogarty an extremely successful American fashion designer highlights the importance of dressing for men ‘when your husband’s eyes light up as he comes in at night, you’re in sad shape if its only because he smells dinner cooking’ (Fogarty, 1959). It is possible that even now women are still programmed by society to want to appear as attractive as possible to men. With the post-feminist shift in gender relations it is argued that women are now objectifying men in the same way that they have traditionally been; ‘looking at scantily-clad women was clearly quite wrong for a right-thinking man, but have started to change their views as time has moved on and gender relations have changed again (including the development of the new language in popular culture where women can treat men as disposable eye-candy too).’ (Gauntlett, 2008). This seems to have caused a sense of double standards when talking of the objectification of women; â€Å"I used to agree, and I mean I really did agree, with women who said that naked women in magazines was a bad thing. But now-a-days I can hardly remember what the argument was. Women can look at handsome men in films and magazines, and men can look at attractive womenit seems fair.† (Gaunlett, 2008) Another reason argued why women cultivate this identity is it can provide means to increase their economic and social standing; ‘denied access to power and status by legitimate means, they had to resort to using their looks as a means of furthering their aims.’ (Negrin, 2008). This was very true of the playboy era where working class women did not have the same opportunities for advancement as their male counterparts. Conclusion. So who is determining this supposed ideal of the female form? Psychoanalysis tells us we all respond to natural sexual urges and have the need to objectify other beings. Yet today’s men’s magazines were not primarily constructed to satisfy their sexual urges. The content was also put into place long ago, not to objectify women, but to protect masculinity from any suggestion of homosexuality. What better way to diminish these threats than by filling the pages with naked women? The tone of the ‘new generation’ of men’s magazines was constructed around a backlash to feminist principles and the emergence of the ‘sensitive, understanding man’. Again what better way to protect these new threats by objectifying women and distancing themselves to ‘new man’s’ ideals? As gender roles have shifted and the issue of equality is facing us, men do not feel that looking at women is a guilty pleasure, as women do it themselves towards men and are compensated for it by the advancement of their social and economic standing. It can be said that this construction of female identity truly is for masculine’s sake, not necessarily for their consumption and enjoyment, but to protect and cultivate the meaning and existence of masculinity, reminiscing of a time where men were secure in their place in society. Fig. 1. Bibliography. Halberstam, J. (1998) Female masculinity. 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